During the 1950s and
1960s, India was one of the largest importers of dairy products, importing over
40 percent of milk solids in the total throughput of the dairy industry. The
commercial import of milk powder reached its peak at about 53 thousand tons in
1963-64 (Kanitkar, 1999). This concerned policy makers, and a decision was made
to achieve self-sufficiency in milk production. The major step forward, which
has had a far-reaching impact, came in mid-sixties with the establishment of
the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB) to oversee dairy development in the
country. The Operation Flood (OF) program, one of the world's largest and most
successful dairy development programs, was launched in 1970; its main thrust
was to organize farmers' cooperatives in rural areas and link them with urban
consumers. Operation Flood has led to the modernization of India's dairy sector
and has created a strong network for procurement, processing, and distribution
of milk by the cooperative sector. In 1989, the Government of India launched
the Technology Mission on Dairy Development (TMDD) program to support and
supplement the efforts of Operation Flood and to enhance rural employment
opportunities and income generation through dairying.
India is currently the
largest producer of milk in the world, overwhelmingly thanks to the output of millions
of smallholder farms. The OF cooperative movement has been important in dairy
marketing in different parts of the country and undoubtedly has played an
important role in keeping smallholders involved with this fast-growing sector.
During the past three decades, milk production in the country has increased
from about 22 million tons in 1970-71 to 84 million tons in 2001-02 (GOI,
2003). The per capita availability of milk, which had decreased during the
pre-OF period, not only kept pace with the growing population but increased
from 107 grams in 1970 to 220 grams in 2000-01.
The Indian dairy
industry is poised for dramatic growth in the coming decades. The population
growth, urbanization, income growth, high income elasticity of demand, and
changes in food habits that fueled the increase in milk consumption are
expected to continue well into the new millennium, creating a veritable
Livestock Revolution. As these events unfold, not all the changes are good, and
they have major implications for poverty alleviation, environmental
sustainability, public health, and ethical concerns about the treatment of
animals as sentient beings. The rapid increase in demand for dairy products in
developing countries has led to the growth of milk-production activities in peri-urban
areas, which are essentially detached from their supporting land base. The
demand for milk and dairy products is increasingly being met in urban and
peri-urban areas by industrial dairy farms, which often generate large amounts
of waste.
The main objectives of
the study are as follows:
Analysis of the mechanisms through which the growing scale of milk
production and marketing operations under a changing industrial organization of
the dairy sector marketing affects social, health, and environmental (SHE)
objectives.
Estimation of per unit cost differences among small, medium, and
large-scale milk producers across different regions of India and decomposition
of these differences into greater technical/allocative efficiency, decreased
transaction costs, and differential investments in environmental
sustainability.
The following hypotheses,
are empirically tested in this study:
- Small-scale milk producers have
lower financial profits per unit of output than large-scale producers,
other things equal (economies of scale).
If this statement is supported, it suggests that, in the absence
of action, small-scale producers will eventually be put out of business by
competition from large-scale producers, especially since the better producers
will scale up. Note that lower financial profitability as perceived by market
actors does not take into account interfarm differences in uncounted costs,
such as transaction costs and environmental externalities.
· Small-scale producers are not less efficient in the use of
productive resources if family labor is not costed and environmental
externalities are taken into account.
If this statement is supported, it implies that the displacement
of smallholders from livestock production in the areas studied is not some
inevitable process driven by technologically based economies of scale in
production but is more a matter of a lack of supporting institutions to
overcome transaction cost barriers to market participation and other noncosted
costs, such as environmental externalities.
· The profits per unit of output of small-scale producers are more
sensitive to differences in transaction costs across farms, other things equal,
than is the case for large-scale production systems.
If this statement is supported, it implies that dealing with transaction
costs (through institutions) is critical to improving the ability of
smallholders to compete with large-scale producers. The analysis will also
yield insights as to the relative importance of different kinds of transaction
costs faced by producers.
· Small-scale producers in densely settled areas generate a lower
negative environmental externality per animal than large-scale producers in the
same areas, and smallholders expend a higher amount of effort/investment in
pollution abatement per unit of output than large farmers, which creates a
lower capture of environmental externalities per unit of output by small farms.
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